Restoration in Russia: Much Needed and Inevitable

Translation of Russian political analyst Alexeydecried as narrow-minded anachronism.Russian
Pushkov's article of the same name.Handing overpoliticians still argue which party to pattern our
power to Vladimir Putin in 1999, Boris Yeltsineconomy and policy on - Europe or the USA. Oh,
sought to preserve the political alignment ofbut we must pattern them on Russia, the total of
forces and coordinates he set during his rule inits interests! Checking our interests with those of
Russia in 1991-1999. The project 'Heir' did not onlyother counrties, of course.Sixth. Under Putin the
imply selecting a man from Yeltsin's 'camp', butcountry's controllability was restored, its slow
the one who would preserve the status quo ofdesintegration was stopped. When Yeltsin was in
the regime. This is indicated, among other things,office the national republics fell off the Union,
by the fact that he insisted on his 'key men'break-away sentiments appeared in the Chechen,
Alexey Voloshin and Mikhail Kasyanov to have theTartar and other autonomous republics, even
longest possible term in office.However, thecertain Russian regions began to claim autonomy
overall results of Putin's five-year office show that(let us remember the Urals Republic proposed by
he has discarded most of Yeltsin's heritage.First ofthe Urals governor Eduard Rossel). This process
all, he bridged the basic gap of Yeltsin's epoch, thewas slow, but it endangered the country's
gap between the left and the right wings. Underintegrity. Meanwhile Yeltsin took the 'gulp as much
Yeltsin, there was a continuous struggle betweensovereignty as you can' stance.Zbignev
the authority, on the one hand, and theBzhezinsky, a well-known American political
communists, patriots and socialist-oriented part ofscientist, published a map where Russia was
the population, on the other. The country wasdivided into three countries: European, Siberian and
fevered by constant strife; the State Duma,Far Eastern. That was his tentative project for
where the communists had majority, being in theRussia. Yes, there was a possibility of such an
vanguard of struggle with Yeltsin and the elite,outcome - take the town of Khasavyurt in
could not carry out the legislative process, as theirDagestan, a part of Russia that was given 5
laws did not suit the executive and were virtuallyyears' independence. The danger of disintegration
directed against the latter.Putin neutralised the left,is still looming, although the Center is keen on
adopting much of their arguments: Russia doesconsolidating the country. Putin lifted the national
have the acute demographic problem (the lowmorale and showed that separatism will not go
birth- and high death-rates), the oligarchyunpunished. He should beware, though, putting too
dominance, corruption and weak army. Thesemuch pressure on the national republics and
points were taken upon by Putin in his electiondivesting them of their rights, as it may cause an
program, at least as a rhetoric (in the part ofoutburst of nationalism.Seventh. Despite all the
olgarchy limitations and army financing they weredrawbacks of the present government, V. Putin
put into actual practice). Then, Putin broke thewas able to win back people's trust for public
Communists' 'monopoly' on patriotism, thusauthority. There is no trace of 'devilry around the
rendering their traditional 'anti-people's regime' rantthrone', so glaring in Yeltsin's time and headed by
meaningless.Communists are now heard onlyBoris Berezovsky. Even the liberal journalists, who
when the authority initiates rash, unprepared andcriticise, sometimes unreservedly, the present
ill-grounded laws, like the monetisation ofgovernment, admit that there was a mafia-like
perquisites for pensioners - the measure, which'family clan' around Yeltsin, which held power in the
was not enough elucidated in the press.Secondly,country. True, there are various factions and
the President was able to revamp the pattern ofinfluential groups, promoting their interests and
power and unite the elite. Putin assigned the issuesstruggling with each other in today's administration,
of economy to liberal democrats, those ofbut none of these claim to have entire power, to
security - to the military and law enforcement,be the only decision-makers.Some people say V.
and entrusted the administrators who succeededPutin's team is not united. Yes, there are
in retaining power in later Yeltsin's weakenedcontroversies in it. But, on the other hand, there is
hands with domestic policy. These are all veryno 'family' either. St. Petersburg's representatives
different people representing differents parts ofwere at first considered more 'close' to the
the elite, but to a certain extent united underPresident than others, but it was not born out,
Putin.Why did the Union of the Right Forces (thesay, Dmitry Kozak, was dispatched to the
SPS) lose the recent election? Because it was noSouthern Federal District as the President's
longer indispensable: many government officers,plenipotentiary to deal with the Chechen Republic
such as German Gref, Alexey Kudrin, Igorand terrorism. Under V. Putin the 'office politics'
Shuvalov pursue the rightist policy as it is. The(the code of relations between officials) became
perquisites monetisation, drafting the hyperliberalfundamentally different - meritocracy was
Forest Code, cancellation of State Standards forestablished.However, there are serious problems
pharmaceutical products and even motioningahead for Putin. He 'steered the ship about, but
prison privatisation are the telltale signs of thehas not set a well-defined course for her'.
liberal course in Russia's domestic policy (whetherFirst. The economy grows largely due to the oil
these measures are for the good or for the badprice rise. Russia hasn't begun forming a
is another matter).V. Putin has in his arsenal notcompetitive economy - developing high
only the leftist, but also the rightist ideas. It is nottechnologies, launching large-scale target programs,
accidental that Anatoly Chubais tried to throw inrenovating the defense establishments, etc. All
the catchphrase 'a liberal empire' to define thethese could only be attained with the participation
present political system in Russia - the SPS wasof the state, but it left the economy to its
losing its 'property right' for liberal reforms.devices. The positive dynamics of Russia's
Neutralisation of the right wing is the thirdeconomy won't keep, if the oil prices drop.The
accomplishment of Putin's office.Fourth. Putin waseconomy remains passive: it absorbs enormous
able to considerably weaken the influence of bigsums of money and yields 6-7 percent growth,
business on the State machinery and policy. Mikhailbut Russia keeps selling its staple raw materials
Khodorkovsky made an attempt of directlyand does not work up new foreign markets.
converting money into power, like at a bureau deThere is no growth in mechanical engineering
change - he offered 15 billion roubles for power inexports, nor in high tech production. However, the
Russia. His plan was frustrated by Putin. Somecompetitive strength of an economy is
people say, it is not democratic. But diddetermined by these two factors, and not by
Khodorkovsky act in a democratic way? Howraw materials, but by finished goods. So far
were the 15 billion rubles obtained? In generalRussia's economy has not been set for efficiency,
terms, does big money entitle a person to powerno innovative breakthrough has been
purchase? The history of Russian oligarchy ismade.Second. The situation in Chechnya is much
essentially about converting money into power.more serious than it may seem, and the Chechen
Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky wereleader Ahmad Kadyrov's assassination is a heavy
doing it through mass media, for example, whenblow to the peace in this region. Though there is
in 1996 Gusinsky helped Yeltsin win the electionsno war in the classic sense there, as separatists
enlisting the services of thehave no power to 'fight on fronts', Chechnya is
establishment-sponsored television channel NTV, itpervaded with separatist and terrorist agents.
was the direct conversion of a media resourceRaids and acts of terrorism still obtain in the
into power.Earlier in 1994 Alexander Korzhakov,region, and even spread to the country at
the then Chief of the President's Security Service,large.Third. Vladimir Putin has not yet created an
conducted - by Yeltsin's instructions - the 'mug inefficient state machine. For example, the events
snow' operation against Gusinsky, so that thein Beslan on September 1-3 2004, when more
oligarchs could understand that authority shouldthan 4,000 children and teachers were held
not be conflicted with, but paid off (nothostage, prove the low efficacy of security
necessarily with direct finance). So the oligarchsservice. Under B.Yeltsin the KGB was being
began to finance media to brainwash people byconsistently wrecked under pretence of fighting
meting out, distorting information, misinforming,communism (the consequences of this act are
launching media attacks as a punishment for publicnot yet fully overcome). Yet not one democratic
figures, orchestrating public opinion, spin controlstate could manage without strong security
and fixing elections... For such servicesservices, what was really needed is to reform the
Berezovsky even obtained an office in theformer Soviet intelligence.Fourth. Russia should
government - he became deputy secretary ofvindicate its positions in foreign policy with more
the Security Council and was responsible for thefirmness. American politicians spoke to me
Chechen issues (a glaring absurdity from today's(Alexey Pushkov) about the surprise Russia's
perspective!).Berezovsky and Gusinsky believedrefusal to back the war in Iraq caused with the
that Yeltsin's apointee Vladimir Putin would letUS administration. Why did Russia give an
them play their games as before. They wereimpression that it could be counted on in any
baulked in their plans. However, certain agressivematter, or that it shouldn't be reckoned with?
representatives of big business persisted in theirBecause it had settled for anything the USA was
struggle for power - the inertia of completedoing, be it the withdrawal from the Anti-Missile
license was too strong, the sense of omnipotenceDefence Treaty (the Russian government's
struck root. 'We would beat Yeltsin all the same -comment: 'a deplorable error') or the second
while he had been learning to play domino, we hadround of the NATO expansion. The US
mastered chess', said Leonid Nevzlin, aadministration overestimated its influence on
businessman and public relations expert. MikhailMoscow, but it was Russia who gave cause for
Khodorkovsky's logic was of the same strain: thethis, adopting a policy too 'comfortable' for the
sense of exclusiveness prompted him to attemptUSA.Unfortunately, many features of Yeltsin's
to use financial clout and gain control over theadministration devolved on that of Putin. The lack
State Duma and the Federation Council, thusof publicity in legislature is one of them. We are
becoming the 'power broker', de facto leader offaced with political reforms, which come as if out
the country. That splendid coup was thwarted -of the blue - nobody has taken the trouble to
Putin's government wouldn't play either domino orexplain their essence and prove their necessity.
chess with Khodorkovsky, it simply upturned theThis is said to be the traditional Russian
table. Some say it wasn't nice or fair. Perhaps. Butauthoritarian style of administration. But bad
it was not fair play on the part of Khodorkovskytraditions should be changed, unless the
in the first place.Khodorkovsky's political failure asgovernment is willing to stand aloof from its
the failure of converting money into power waspeople.The main dangers impending over Putin's
logical. Yeltsin depended on the oligarchs, as headministration are as follows.The first is the
had no other 'point of rest', being politically andsituation in Chechnya. The efficiency of Putin's
physically infirm, unpopular, and undergoingpolicy largely depends on his ability to settle the
persistent pressure from the left wing.Chechen conflict. If the 'vertical of power' built by
Contrariwise, Putin is popular; he succeeded inhim does not yield fruit in that region, he will fail to
uniting the elite and was able to move away fromconvince the country in the necessity of exerting
the oligarchs.Some political scientists maintain thatcontrol. It is precisely the issue of Chechnya that
the restriction of big business power is wrong, aswill be the touchstone of Putin's policy, both in
it entails the omnipotent power of StateRussia and internationally. The Chechen war and
bureaucracy. True, the official powers should beterror became Putin's gravest challenges, which
counterbalanced, otherwise the State becomesdemand the consolidation of power, strengthening
overpowering (this was Russia's permanentof the State, and in some cases, turning the
political bane, but the country needed it becausescrew. But if the screws are tight, and the vehicle
of its size, climate and a number of otherdoes not move, the question of the adequacy of
factors). But Yeltsin's immoral big business is notsuch a policy will arise.The second danger (more
the kind of counterbalance the community needs.prominent during his second term in office) is the
While Russia was historically better off unter totalappearance of consolidated opposition. It includes
power, the oligarchs would retain it, but make itthe liberal politicians who lost the election in the
inhuman and anti-national - even moreDuma, but have a solid support of big business,
unscrupulous, mercenary and corrupt. Statetheir own financial resources, and a substantial
totalitarianism would turn into oligarchalbacking from abroad. They are eager to score
totalitarianism. There was but imitation ofpolitical points using the government's mistakes.
democracy under Yeltsin, but if KhodorkovskyFor example, against the logic of their liberal
could have gained power, the politicalmarket views, they are attacking the
pseudodemocracy might have turned intomonetisation of perquisites for pensioners. They
oligarchal pseudodemocracy, with its arsenal ofare doing it, because the authority is vulnerable in
manupulative and venal media. The restriction ofthis poorely prepared reform. The next power
oligarchal influence on the policy and strategy ofstanding in opposition to Putin is the 'exiled'
the State is necessary. Giving a resolute check tooligarchs. Berezovsky, Gusinsky, Nevzlin are
Khodorkovsky's plans, Putin made him understandpeople with resources, and have connections in
that individuals (even very rich ones) cannotthe West. Berezovsky is quite frank in saying that
dictate the policy to the State.Fifth. Putinhis principal goal is to weaken Putin's regime. Then,
proclaimed the foreign policy based on nationalthe government is opposed by certain liberal
priorities. Under Yeltsin it was based on absolutelymedia (which include several central TV channels
different principles: the first postulate was thatof Russia), especially their aggressive part backed
Russia should at all costs become the part ofby the oppositional big business. A part of national
civilised world, implying the West; the second wasand regional elite, displeased at the decision that
that Russia has no national interests basicallyregional governors be appointed by the President
different from those of the USA; the third was(and apprehending the restoration of the unitarian
that Russia should completely reject the use ofstate), may also join the opposition. A part of
force in solving its political problems, as it isliberal intelligentsia and the communists joining the
'undemocratic'.Over the past 10 years we haveliberals on certain points also swing against the
seen other nations solve their problems byadministration. Finally, the anti-Russian and
various methods, including, alas, the use of forceanti-Putin forces in the West are also opposed to
as, for instance, in Bosnia or in Iraq.We alsoPutin. All the mentioned forces are, however,
realised, that the course of equating Russia'slargely outnumbered by Putin's supporters (in
political interests with those of US or EU is notRussia the ratio is about one to ten).
absolutely correct. Putin agreed with the USA inNevertheless, they should be reckoned with.Putin
the crucial issue of fighting terrorism, but he madehas few propagandists of his ideas and proposals.
it clear that our countries' views on some otherHe himself has to explain his home and foreign
issues differ. He is not afraid to say that Russiapolicy, the ideas of his political reforms. His press
has inherent interests in the countries of the CISsecretaries and information services keep silence,
(Commonwealth of Independent States), even ifalthough it is their duty to compete with the huge
it may annoy some political parties abroad.bulk of anti-Putin propaganda. The system lacks
However, the practical realisation of Russia'speople with active ideological and political thinking,
national interests may be impeded by twocapable of supporting its plans and decisions. And
factors: the cosmopolitan character of bigthis is in the face of strong opposition, nostalgic
business and the 'anational' mentality of thefor Yeltsin's Russia - weak, docile, corrupt, and
younger generation of Russians, formed duringdisintegrating.However, if the efficiency of
the past 10 years.'Paying taxes is our only duty,administration rises, the economy grows, the
and we owe nobody but God and our conscience',opposition will have to bear Putin's 'authoritarian
Peter Aven, a business and media tycoon, said inliberalism'. Conversely, if there are no tangible
his interview. Yes, but if an individual knowsresults, he will be accused of sacrificing
neither God nor conscience? Why should bigdemocracy. Putin must prove that his model is
business detach itself from the rest of the nation?efficient.The period of authoritarian development is
Russia's big business is essentially cosmopolitan,inevitable. The liberals condemn Putin's policy as
not to say anti-national.As for the 'anational'restoration, but restoration is a normal practice
mentality, it becomes apparent from the fact thatfor any country after a sharp 'side slip'. If a nation
younger people, even those whose major atloses capacity for correcting its 'side slips', it may,
universities is political science, sometimes questionlike a car, roll over at a sharp turn of history.
the necessity of Russia's 'special attutude' towardsRestoration is the nation's adaptation to new
certain issues. 'Why don't we just trim ourselvesconditions, its self-regulation, aligning a car after a
to the US position?', they ask. The notion ofdrastic side slip.
'national interests', as well as patriotism, has been